By Christine Herrera
BY the victims' accounts, the dogs of the Marcosegime--meaning, the military men who did its bidding--earned an extra income of P3,000 for every alleged subversive they arrested, tortured or killed. They also got a promotion. And what did soldiers do to those they captured? They subjected suspected dissidents to electric shock, ''water cure,'' ''wet submarine,'' Russian roulette or the truth serum. Other captives were buried alive, stripped naked or hung upside down for hours on end.
Women were gang-raped. Even pregnant women were not spared. Marcos's minions showed no respect even for Christmas, for the torture and killings continued during the season. On Christmas Eve, Dec. 24, 1974, Flora Valencia Glor, then 20, was arrested in Barrio Molave, Labo, Camarines Norte. She was pregnant and the baby she was carrying was nearly full-term, about to be delivered in two weeks. In a sworn statement she later made, Glor said she was blindfolded and her hands were tied so tightly that the ropes cut through the skin of her wrists and feet. She was then taken to an abandoned and dilapidated ''safe house.''
Despite her condition, she was made to lie down on her abdomen to try force her to answer her captors' questions. One of the interrogators undressed before her as his companions started talking about raping her. Since she was pregnant, they chose to sodomize her.
The next morning, on Christmas Day, Glor was feverish because she had not been given anything to eat and was made to sleep on a cement floor directly under a leaking roof. It had rained during the night.
The military men had their own version of ''Noche Buena,'' but they did not share with her any of their food. Despite her fever, she was made to walk, for eight hours, all the way to the Army Rangers' headquarters in Tigbinan, Labo, Camarines Norte
After the long and strenuous walk, she started having labor pains, but she was only ignored. It was only when she could no longer bear the pain and she cried out loud that they took her to the provincial hospital, more than a hundred kilometers away.
Her water bag burst while she was in an Army vehicle. The baby started coming out but was in a breach, or abnormal, position. A baby lost When they got to the hospital, a Cesarean was done. By then, the baby had died.
In her affidavit, Glor said she was not allowed to recuperate in the hospital from her operation, for she was immediately taken to a 7 m. x4 m., mseven-meter-by-four-meter dungeon-like cell, where she was locked up with nine other female detainees. ''No medical attention was given to my surgical wounds, which I tried to dress myself,'' she said. Later, she had to remove the stitches of the operation also by herself. She was released several months later. Some dissidents, like Glor, survived the torture and indignities they were subjected to. Others did not.
One who did not live to tell his story was Marsman Alvarez, brother of Sen. Heherson Alvarez. Marsman was found dead a day after he was arrested on June 26, 1974. His body, according to one account, was ''mutilated and bungled beyond recognition.''
His face had been disfigured, his jaw broken, his nose cut off and one of his eyes gouged out. Almost all of his teeth had been pulled and his tongue slashed. Those who knew Marsman were able to identify him only through his hair and the jeans he was wearing.
Several of those who survived shared their stories with the Inquirer in the hope that these would serve as a reminder to Filipinos that martial law and dictatorship should never be allowed to happen again.
They are among the plaintiffs in the class suit Hilao et al. versus Estate of Ferdinand Marcos that was filed and won in the United States District Court of Hawaii.
One case presented by lead counsel Robert Swift before the US jury in Hawaii in September 1992 was that of Danilo de la Fuente, then 33. A labor organizer affiliated with the militant Kilusang Mayo Uno, De la Fuente said he was subjected to a 110-volt electric shock applied through the wire of a field telephone. One end of the wire was attached to his thumb and the other end to his penis. As the crank was turned, the ensuing electric shock made him lose consciousness.
He said his captors did this to him several times in an effort to make him confess to his and his comrades' alleged subversive activities. To make him regain consciousness, the soldiers poured ice-cold water on his penis, which they then singed with a lighted cigarette.
When De la Fuente still refused to talk, he was subjected to the ''wet submarine.'' His head was dunked in a toilet bowl full of excrement, but that did not make him talk, either. His torturers switched to the water cure. They covered his face with cloth, then poured water on it, making breathing difficult and giving him a sensation of drowning.
''The military men were desperate to have something to report to their bosses so they would get promoted and paid P3,000 for their barbaric acts,'' De la Fuente told the Inquirer.
The next thing the military did was to play Russian roulette on him. One of the torturers loaded a bullet into a revolver and pulled the trigger while poking the gun at De la Fuente's head or mouth. He was later injected with ''truth serum.'' De la Fuente managed to survive all these horrors.
Nine months after his arrest and torture, he was picked up again and ncarcerated without charges. He was eventually charged with subversion. De la Fuente was among those released by then newly installed President Corazon Aquino on Feb. 27, 1986, after Ferdinand Marcos was ousted from power.
Today, De la Fuente remains active as a human rights advocate and is with the Samahan ng mga Ex-detainees Laban sa Detensyon at para sa Amnestiya (Selda).
Another torture victim, Domiciano Amparo, was made to dig his own grave and was buried with his head exposed. He was kicked until his mouth bled and his face was disfigured. They took him out of the grave, but it wasn't the last of his ordeals.
He was stripped naked and hung upside down for seven hours a day for one week.His torturers stuffed his mouth with Armalite bullets, then repeatedly slapped him in the face.
Adora Faye de Vera, then in early 20s and a graduate of the Philippine Science High School, was arrested along with two companions at 11 p.m. of Oct. 1, 1976, in Lucena City while in a train bound for Bicol.
Arrested with her were Rolando Federis, then 24, and Flora Coronacion, then 18. They were taken to a ''safe house'' for tactical interrogation, during which they were tortured and mauled.
The soldiers pressed lighted cigarettes on their bodies with cigarettes and, for hours, made them stand naked before an airconditioner that was running in full blast. They were humiliated in many ways.
''They made us eat and swallow paper and spoiled rice,'' De Vera recalled. ''They used us as doormats while we were lying down and we were ordered to run in circles.'' At one point, she said, they made Federis stand naked and ordered him to masturbate in front of her. ''When Rolando refused, he was whipped several times on the genitals while others were laughing,'' De Vera said.
Fourteen days later, she said, she and Coronacion were gang-raped. De Vera said she was soon separated from her two companions. On Nov. 12, the military tortured her again and threatened to kill her companions if she refused to admit that she was a member of the New People's Army.
''Your two companions were under military custody. They did not escape, but now they are missing. You know the implications,'' De Vera quoted one of the soldiers as telling her. She never saw Federis and Coronacion alive again. Twenty-two years after their arrest, Federis and Coronacion remain classified as desaparecidos (disappeared).
De Vera said soldiers raped her several times up to Dec. 16, 1976. When she got pregnant, the military forced her to undergo abortion administered by his torturers. De Vera was released on June 30, 1977.
Several survivors of human rights abuses have filed criminal charges against their torturers. Instead of being punished, the torturers have gone scot-free, the cases against them dismissed. They were either promoted or transferred to other areas of assignment.
The Association of Major Religious Superiors in the Philippines, which monitored their cases, said some of the torturers remain active in the military service to this day.
Philippine Daily Inquirer, September 21, 1998 |